Another Ford is sentenced. How far has the corruption reached?
(Oct. 6, BenQQ) Former Shelby County Commissioner Edmund Ford Jr. was sentenced today to 24 months in federal prison, plus two years of supervised release, after pleading guilty to five counts of attempted tax evasion. A bribery count was dismissed under the plea deal, so he was not sentenced for bribery. The judge still described the case as using public office for personal enrichment.
Edmund Ford Jr. is part of the family whose Democratic political dynasty took off in 1974, when his uncle Harold Ford Sr. was elected to the U.S. House. That same day, two other uncles also won: John Ford to the Tennessee Senate and Emmitt Ford to the Tennessee House. John had already won a Memphis City Council seat in 1971.
The family’s record of indictments, convictions, and acquittals is a byzantine path. It reads like a script from Succession, in which a family treats power like a private inheritance and scandal like a management problem. But its not completely like that. Some members avoided the siren of corruption, last paragraph below.
Ford Jr.’s father, Edmund Ford Sr., then a Memphis city councilman, was charged in 2006 with bribery and extortion after undercover video showed an FBI informant handing him cash. A jury acquitted him on all counts in May 2008. He testified that the money was advances on a business loan, not payment for votes.
Harold Ford Sr. was charged with taking roughly $1.2 million to $1.5 million in loans from 1976 to 1982 from banks controlled by Jake and C.H. Butcher, with no intention of repaying them. Prosecutors said the loans were disguised political favors.
He and two co-defendants, lawyers Karl Schledwitz and Douglas Beaty, were charged with bank fraud, mail fraud, and conspiracy. Ford said the money was an investment in the family funeral business that was converted to a loan without his knowledge. His first trial, in 1990, ended in a hung jury. A second jury acquitted him and both co-defendants on all counts on April 9, 1993, in Memphis. Public records do not show another criminal case against him.
John Ford, Harold Ford Sr.’s brother, was convicted in 2007 in the FBI’s Tennessee Waltz sting of taking $55,000 in bribes. A separate Nashville conviction, over more than $800,000 from TennCare contractors, was later overturned on appeal.
Emmitt Ford resigned in 1981 after an insurance-fraud conviction. He was later sentenced to federal prison in 2000 for tax evasion.
Ophelia Ford, their sister, had her 2005 special-election win for Tennessee Senate District 29 voided over voting irregularities. She was later cleared of criminal charges and reelected, and she held the seat until 2014. She is the aunt of both Harold Ford Jr. and Edmund Ford Jr.
Not every Ford who held or sought office was accused of corruption. Harold Ford Jr. served in Congress from 1997 to 2007 and is now a co-host of The Five. He was never charged. Joe Ford served on the Memphis City Council and the Shelby County Commission and was interim county mayor in 2009–2010. He has no corruption case. In 2025 the state suspended his funeral-home license over a delayed shipment of a body, a licensing action, not a criminal charge. Justin Ford served on the Shelby County Commission from about 2009 to 2014 and has no corruption case. He was named in the same 2025 funeral-board action over uncertified death certificates. James Ford served on the Shelby County Commission and died in 2001. No corruption case turns up in the public record. Jake Ford, a son of Harold Ford Sr, ran for Congress in 2006 and 2008 and lost. He was not charged. Kemba Ford, John Ford’s daughter, ran for city council and the state House and lost. She was not charged.
So it needs to be said: another Ford conviction does not make a Succession family.
Judge Signals MSCS Takeover Could Proceed; Next Ruling’s Timing Remains Unclear
(Oct. 3 BenQQ) At yesterday’s federal hearing in Nashville, U.S. District Judge Waverly Crenshaw signaled that Tennessee’s appointed oversight board could soon take control of Memphis-Shelby County Schools, as reported by Chalkbeat. “Whenever the oversight board is ready to do business, I’m going to dissolve my order,” he said. His remarks did not immediately transfer control.
Crenshaw questioned the district’s claim that the takeover violates students’ constitutional rights and gave its attorneys another week to explain the specific harm students would suffer. He also agreed to remove Gov. Bill Lee, Education Commissioner Lizzette Reynolds and legislative leaders as defendants, while leaving the challenge to the takeover law unresolved.
Chalkbeat reported no date for Crenshaw’s next order. The additional week concerns amended arguments, not a promised ruling. The elected school board retains control until he clarifies or replaces his order. Lifting the pause would let the appointed board exercise authority over budgets, contracts, school closures and the superintendent’s contract while the lawsuit could continue.
MSCS faces a substantial academic gap despite recent gains. State results compiled by Tennessee Firefly show that only 23.7% of its third- through eighth-graders met or exceeded English expectations and 22.6% met or exceeded math expectations in 2025–26, compared with 42.6% and 43.2% in Knox County, including Knoxville, and 37.1% and 39.7% in Hamilton County, including Chattanooga.
Alongside academic reforms, a growing legislative push seeks to protect classroom learning time by strengthening teachers’ authority to remove disruptive students:
- Texas expanded removal authority in 2025, including after a single disruptive incident, and established conditions for students’ return.
- Arkansas strengthened authority to remove violent or abusive students pending a parent conference, with alternative placement among the options.
- Louisiana’s “Let Teachers Teach” initiative pairs stronger discipline rules with supervised alternative education for suspended or expelled students.
Tennessee’s Teacher’s Discipline Act, sponsored by Rep. Scott Cepicky and Sen. Joey Hensley, lets teachers request removal of students who repeatedly or substantially interfere with teaching or classmates’ learning. The principal or designee reviews the request and decides the response, including possible alternative-school placement with required legal protections. Carroll Academy in Huntingdon explicitly supports removing disruptive students from regular learning environments while providing education, counseling and behavioral treatment.
Friday’s MSCS Takeover Hearing: Who Will Fix the F Schools?
(Sept. 30 BenQQ) Friday’s federal hearing in Nashville will consider whether the elected MSCS board retains control or a state-appointed oversight board assumes authority while the takeover lawsuit proceeds. Newly elected board Chairman Tamarques Porter and Vice Chair Sable Otey could face substantial limits on carrying out their priorities, as reported by Chalkbeat.
Their previously stated priorities include literacy interventions, teacher development and regular performance reviews—approaches familiar to MSCS. A district evaluation of its 2023–24 tutoring program documented unreliable attendance records and coordinator vacancies that some schools left unfilled. Those findings show problems with execution; they do not establish that improvement is impossible.
The district has examined causes. At a March accountability hearing, officials reported that more than half the teachers at 14 schools with repeated D or F grades worked on emergency or temporary permits. State board Chairman Bob Eby praised MSCS’ presentation of root causes. Scripted lessons and curriculum checks were already underway, Chalkbeat reported. The question is whether those measures produce results.
School systems differ, but these educators and researchers offer concrete improvement paths:
- Coordinate teaching and tutoring: Educator Emily Taubken identifies competing instructional sequences as a problem that wastes learning opportunities.
- Match help to the reading deficit: Russell Gersten’s federal panel on primary-grade reading recommends screening, intensive small-group instruction and regular progress checks.
- Protect classroom learning time: Michael Epstein’s panel on elementary classrooms recommends identifying disruption triggers, changing classroom conditions and teaching appropriate behavior.
- Provide credible career routes: James Kemple’s 2008 randomized career-academy study found higher subsequent earnings, but no additional improvement in graduation or postsecondary attainment compared with the comparison group.
- Explain what spending will stop: Educator and former board candidate James Q. Bacchus called for costs and deadlines, plus an explanation of which activities would stop when budget concerns require redirecting funds.
Parents can already find named underperforming schools through Tennessee’s State Report Card. Kingsbury Middle, Douglass K-8 and Treadwell Elementary were among schools identified at March’s hearing with two years of F grades. MSCS should prominently publish each affected school’s results, corrective actions, spending and deadlines—and send that information directly to families. Public availability does not establish that every parent knows.
A takeover could override spending decisions by the elected board without automatically canceling existing programs. The appointed board would control major budget decisions and could terminate the superintendent for cause, according to the University of Tennessee’s summary of the takeover law. Whoever governs should explain which approaches will continue, which will change and what results parents should expect. Friday concerns interim control, not the lawsuit’s final resolution.
Hearing information: Friday, Oct. 2, U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Tennessee, Nashville. The court’s Nashville courthouse is the Fred D. Thompson U.S. Courthouse and Federal Building, 719 Church St., Nashville, TN 37203. The hearing’s specific building assignment, courtroom and exact starting time have not been independently confirmed. Before traveling, contact 615-736-5498 or publicaccess@tnmd.uscourts.gov, referencing Shelby County Government v. Lee, case 3:26-cv-00835.
TrumpRx Promises Discounts Up to 98%—Some Shelby County Patients Could Save $343 to $10,502 on a Single Prescription. Here are some of the drugs.
President Donald Trump announced today that every state Medicaid program will participate in his most-favored-nation drug-pricing model. Participating manufacturers must provide rebates so Medicaid’s final price for hundreds of expensive brand-name medicines—including diabetes, heart disease, cancer and mental health drugs—does not exceed the lowest price paid in comparable developed countries.
Local people spend millions out of pocket for heart, diabetes, cancer and mental health drugs– major health issues impacting Shelby County residents. Here are some cost breakdowns of some of those drugs for those diseases: Read more.
Heart disease:
- Plavix: From $771.62 to $15.95—a $755.67 difference, or 97.9%. This antiplatelet medicine helps prevent blood clots that can cause heart attacks and other cardiovascular emergencies.
- Farxiga: From $377.82 to $35 for 30 tablets—a $342.82 difference, or 90.7%. In addition to treating diabetes and chronic kidney disease, it is prescribed to reduce hospitalization and cardiovascular risks in certain heart-failure patients.
- Repatha: From $625.89 to $239 for two autoinjectors—a $386.89 difference, or 61.8%. It sharply lowers LDL cholesterol and is used to reduce cardiovascular risks in certain high-risk patients.
- Praluent: From $537.21 to $225 for two prefilled pens—a $312.21 difference, or 58.1%. It is prescribed for patients whose LDL cholesterol remains dangerously high.
- Colestid: From $135.60 to $67.20—a $68.40 difference, or 50.4%. It lowers LDL cholesterol by binding bile acids in the digestive system.
- Lopid: From $79.20 to $39.60 for 60 600-milligram tablets—a $39.60 difference, or 50%. It is used primarily to lower very high triglycerides and improve certain cholesterol levels.
- Tikosyn: From $672 to $336 for 60 capsules—a $336 difference, or 50%. It is prescribed to restore or maintain a normal rhythm in certain patients with atrial fibrillation or atrial flutter.
Stroke prevention:
- Plavix: From $771.62 to $15.95—a $755.67 difference, or 97.9%. It helps prevent platelets from forming clots and may be prescribed after a stroke, heart attack or certain artery procedures.
- Lovenox: From $74.42 to as little as $11.90—a $62.52 difference, or 84%. This injectable anticoagulant prevents and treats dangerous blood clots, although it is not a routine long-term stroke medicine for every patient.
- Xarelto: From $611.82 to $197—a $414.82 difference, or 67.8%. It is prescribed to reduce stroke risk in certain patients with atrial fibrillation and to treat or prevent deep-vein thrombosis and pulmonary embolism.
Cancer — Presidential brand-name deals:
- Rydapt: From $13,411 to $2,908.64 for 56 25-milligram capsules—a $10,502.36 difference, or 78.3%. It treats newly diagnosed FLT3-positive acute myeloid leukemia and certain forms of systemic mastocytosis.
- Tabrecta: From $11,666 to as little as $2,649.92 for 56 tablets—a $9,016.08 difference, or 77.3%. It treats certain metastatic non-small-cell lung cancers with a qualifying MET genetic alteration.
Cancer — additional generic cash-price listings:
- Imatinib, generic Gleevec: From a comparison price of $2,427 to as little as $17 for 30 100-milligram tablets—a $2,410 difference, or 99.3%. It treats chronic myeloid leukemia, certain forms of acute lymphoblastic leukemia and gastrointestinal stromal tumors.
- Hydroxyurea: From a comparison price of $35.40 to as little as $7.40 for 30 500-milligram capsules—a $28 difference, or 79.1%. It is used for certain leukemias and noncancerous blood disorders such as sickle-cell disease.
- Etoposide: Prices start at approximately $16.09, depending on formulation and quantity. It is used in treating small-cell lung cancer, testicular cancer, lymphomas and certain leukemias.
- Tamoxifen: Prices start at approximately $7.99. It treats hormone-receptor-positive breast cancer and may reduce the risk of recurrence.
- Anastrozole, generic Arimidex: Prices start at approximately $8.20. It is used primarily for hormone-receptor-positive breast cancer in postmenopausal women.
- Letrozole, generic Femara: Prices start at approximately $8.53. It is another aromatase inhibitor used to treat hormone-sensitive breast cancer.
- Bicalutamide, generic Casodex: Prices start at approximately $16.49. It is used with other treatments for certain forms of prostate cancer.
- Mercaptopurine: Prices start at approximately $30.13. It is commonly used as part of treatment for acute lymphoblastic leukemia.
Diabetes:
- Xigduo XR: From $599.72 to as little as $45—a $554.72 difference, or 92.5%. It combines dapagliflozin and metformin to treat type 2 diabetes.
- Toujeo: From $428.57 to as little as $35—a $393.57 difference, or 91.8%. This long-acting insulin helps control blood sugar in patients with diabetes.
- Farxiga: From $377.82 to $35 for 30 tablets—a $342.82 difference, or 90.7%. It treats type 2 diabetes and may also be prescribed for heart failure and chronic kidney disease.
- Jentadueto: From $525.08 to $55 for 60 tablets—a $470.08 difference, or 89.5%. It combines linagliptin and metformin to treat type 2 diabetes.
- Ozempic: From $1,027.51 to $199 for each of the first two qualifying monthly purchases—a $828.51 difference, or 80.6%. The price then rises to $349 or $499, depending on dosage.
- Invokamet: From $598.56 to $225 for 60 tablets—a $373.56 difference, or 62.4%. It combines canagliflozin and metformin to control blood sugar in adults with type 2 diabetes.
- Admelog: From $98.07 to $35 for one vial—a $63.07 difference, or 64.3%. This rapid-acting insulin is used around mealtimes to control blood sugar.
Mental-health disorders — generic cash-price listings:
- Sertraline, generic Zoloft: TrumpRx lists prices starting at approximately $8.80, although the amount changes by dosage, quantity, pharmacy and ZIP code. It is commonly prescribed for depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder, panic disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder and social-anxiety disorder.
- Fluoxetine, generic Prozac: TrumpRx lists this medicine through its generic-price section. It is prescribed for depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder, panic disorder and bulimia.
- Escitalopram, generic Lexapro: TrumpRx lists this medicine through its generic-price section. It is widely prescribed for major depression and generalized anxiety disorder.
- Bupropion, generic Wellbutrin: TrumpRx lists this medicine through its generic-price section. It is prescribed for depression and seasonal affective disorder and, under another brand name, may be used to help patients stop smoking.
- Quetiapine, generic Seroquel: TrumpRx lists this medicine through its generic-price section. It may be prescribed for schizophrenia, bipolar disorder and, in some cases, as an additional treatment for major depression.
- Aripiprazole, generic Abilify: TrumpRx lists this medicine through its generic-price section. It may be prescribed for schizophrenia or bipolar disorder and as an additional treatment for major depression.
- Venlafaxine, generic Effexor: TrumpRx lists this medicine through its generic-price section. It is prescribed for depression, generalized anxiety disorder, social-anxiety disorder and panic disorder.
- Lamotrigine, generic Lamictal: TrumpRx lists this medicine through its generic-price section. It is used as a mood stabilizer for the maintenance treatment of bipolar disorder and is also prescribed for seizure disorders.
The mental-health medicines and most of the additional cancer drugs are generic pharmacy-price listings, not individually negotiated Presidential deals. TrumpRx does not provide a stable nationwide previous price for many of them, so dependable “from–to” dollar and percentage reductions cannot be calculated without selecting a dosage, quantity, pharmacy and ZIP code.
The administration projects $64.3 billion in Medicaid savings over 10 years: $36.6 billion for the federal government and $27.6 billion for the states. The White House also says the agreements have already provided Medicaid with one million free prescriptions of the blood thinner Eliquis.
$6.1 Million Clerk Cleanup Approved—But UNaccountability Still Prevails
Commentary report by
Ben “BenQQ” Harrison
(9.15.26) As is well documented, failures in the Shelby County Clerk’s Office reached all the way down to field-level service. Like many Shelby County residents who visited one of the office’s six motor-vehicle branches under former Clerk Wanda Halbert, I walked away with a story of long lines and sardine-can waiting conditions. But my experience was a little different, although it also began with a long wait.
When I briefly stepped outside to take a telephone call and returned—still holding my appointment number—I recall a faceless, bossy bureaucratic voice booming over the loudspeaker for everyone to hear: “You cannot come back in! You will not be served!”
Even people waiting inside protested that I had already been there a long time. It was a brief moment of solidarity among a diverse group confronting bureaucratic stupidity. No sign warned people that stepping outside would cost them their place. It was one of the crudest bureaucratic displays of disrespect toward taxpayers I had ever witnessed—made more maddening by the office’s self-righteous signs proclaiming its devotion to serving “customers.” I also saw no clearly marked public-restroom door at that branch. Huh? Now back to the Commission's County Clerk Story:
The Shelby County Board of Commissioners authorized the release of up to $6,134,386.81 Monday to stabilize and modernize the clerk’s office. The money comes from an existing special-revenue fund allotted specifically to the clerk’s office, so the appropriation does not require a new tax or draw from the county’s general operating fund.
New County Clerk La Sonya Hall, who took office Sept. 1, told commissioners that her team found 34 crates of unprocessed automobile-dealer paperwork during its first inspections of the six branches. The records covered about 2,600 individual titles and registrations, including customers who reportedly had been waiting since June for permanent tags. Hall promised measurable results and quarterly reports to the Commission.
Who Knew What—and When?
Wanda Halbert was unquestionably on notice that the office had a serious operational crisis years ago. Thousands of tag and registration transactions were already backlogged in 2022, when Halbert announced two week-long branch closures to catch up. Long lines, missing tags, faulty financial reports and state scrutiny continued during her two terms. Halbert says she was never told about this specific 34-crate backlog and was led to believe the work had been caught up. No evidence reviewed for this story proves that she personally knew about those particular crates. Her denial nevertheless leaves an obvious unanswered question: Who handled the dealer packets, and who reported—or failed to report—their status to the clerk?
The County Commission knew the dysfunction was longstanding. Commissioners debated Halbert’s performance and a possible no-confidence vote by summer 2022 (Action News 5, Aug. 9, 2022). At the Sept. 9 committee meeting, Commissioner Mark Billingsley called it an “emergency that this county has had for eight years,” while Commissioners Michele Dial and Shante Avant said they were still awaiting permanent tags for vehicles purchased that summer (Action News 5, Sept. 9, 2026). The committee endorsed Hall’s request unanimously before the full Commission approved it 13-0 Monday.
Mayor Lee Harris’ administration challenged Halbert but could not control an independently elected clerk. Two 2024 ouster petitions stalled over legal standing, and the 34-crate backlog surfaced only after Hall took office.
Hall herself is not entering blindly. Before becoming clerk on Sept. 1, she served as Harris’ deputy chief administrative officer and acknowledged that she knew many of the office’s material shortcomings. She launched her campaign in late 2025 describing the clerk’s office as a “turnaround project” and specifically identified long waits, inconsistent processing and outdated systems. Hall says the 34 crates themselves were discovered during her first week as clerk. There is no public evidence that she knew of that specific cache while serving in the Harris administration.
Halbert was the elected official responsible for operating the clerk’s office, but the office’s broad failures were visible to county leaders and the public for years. The Commission’s authority was limited by the clerk’s independently elected status. Still, repeated backlogs, branch closures, financial-reporting failures and state intervention raise a legitimate question about why no oversight system detected thousands of stalled transactions before a new administration began inspecting the branches.
Hall said she did not favor commissioning another audit at this stage, arguing that earlier state findings could guide the corrective work and proposing workflow consultants instead. Quarterly performance reports may show whether the backlog declines and service improves. They are not the same as an independent public accounting identifying when each crate arrived, who was responsible for it, what supervisors were told and why existing financial, inventory and management controls failed.
The Clerk’s Office debacle is hardly isolated: Shelby County’s repeatedly rejected budgets, costly short-term borrowing, federal findings involving Juvenile Court and the county jail, and its history of public-corruption convictions all point to the same chronic failure to identify responsibility and impose consequences. Across city government, MATA’s financial collapse and the Justice Department’s findings against MPD provide equally powerful warnings. There are others, but I’ll leave it at that.
Accountability cannot mean merely appropriating millions more, promising reforms and waiting for the next scandal. It requires audits, names, dates, public explanations—and consequences for the officials who knew, failed to act or failed to do their jobs.
Memphis Must Regulate Data Centers Without Driving the Future Across the State Line
(9.14.26) As of today, the Memphis City Council has not abandoned the data-center debate. Its Sept. 15 agenda contains three proposals that could determine whether Memphis freezes new data-center development, replaces a blanket moratorium with negotiated standards or imposes extensive water and energy restrictions.
Ordinance 5982, a proposed 12-month moratorium, is scheduled for third and final reading. It would stop the processing and approval of most applications and permits for new data centers while city officials study permanent regulations. Existing, lawfully operating facilities would generally be exempt unless they expand their buildings, electrical demand, utility capacity or operational intensity.
Two alternatives will receive second readings. Ordinance 5985, sponsored by Councilman Philip Spinosa, would replace a blanket moratorium with tiered, time-limited reviews, water assurances, minimum fiscal requirements and negotiated development agreements. Ordinance 5986, sponsored by Councilman Jeff Warren, would require closed-loop cooling, restrict major withdrawals of local water, mandate increasing use of renewable or non-carbon electricity and establish public-disclosure, enforcement and operating requirements. All three measures appear on the council’s Sept. 15 agenda.
The council therefore is not simply allowing xAI to take its computers, construction and future investment elsewhere. But that remains a real danger. Mississippi has already secured an xAI project in Southaven involving a promised investment exceeding $20 billion—the largest private investment announced in that state’s history—with hundreds of permanent jobs expected. The project demonstrates that this industry can move across a state line even while remaining within the greater Memphis infrastructure network.
Memphis should not give any company a blank check. Concerns about turbine emissions, neighborhood effects, water consumption, electrical demand and costs passed to ordinary utility customers deserve enforceable answers. Data-center operators should pay the infrastructure costs their facilities create, comply with environmental law, disclose resource consumption and use cooling systems that protect the Memphis Sand Aquifer. Those are reasonable conditions of doing business—not a justification for shutting the door.
A blanket one-year moratorium is a blunt instrument. It would not undo the decisions that allowed xAI’s existing Memphis operations, and it would not by itself resolve disputes over emissions or neighborhood effects. It would, however, announce that Memphis may spend another year debating whether it wants an industry that Mississippi is already recruiting aggressively.
This is where Mayor Paul Young should show stronger leadership. His role should be to bring the company, council, utility officials, environmental regulators and affected neighborhoods together behind enforceable standards. Memphis needs a negotiated framework that protects residents while giving investors clear requirements, firm deadlines and confidence that political winds will not change the rules halfway through a project.
Memphis cannot afford to let partisan hostility toward Donald Trump or Elon Musk—or left-wing agitation against capitalist progress—determine whether a project is good for the city. Supporters should not dismiss legitimate environmental questions, but opponents should not be permitted to turn those questions into an automatic veto against investment, technology and job creation.
The best path is a workable combination of Ordinance 5985’s predictable review system and the strongest practical protections contained in Ordinance 5986. The council should reject an unnecessary blanket moratorium, require xAI and future operators to meet transparent standards and make certain that taxpayers and residential MLGW customers are not forced to subsidize private infrastructure.
Memphis has spent too many years watching major investments land elsewhere and then explaining why the city was not ready. This time, it has an opportunity to lead. Protect the water, protect the neighborhoods and protect ratepayers—but do not regulate the future out of Memphis.
Federal Prosecutors Put RICO at Center of Memphis Gang Fight as Young Mob Case Produces Results
(9.11.26) Federal prosecutors are putting federal racketeering law at the center of their fight against Memphis street gangs, outlining the strategy in interviews published Sept. 8 by The Daily Memphian. U.S. Attorney D. Michael Dunavant said the goal is no longer simply to disrupt or dismantle gangs but to “completely eliminate” them, with the continuing Young Mob prosecution offered as a leading example of how federal racketeering cases can attack an entire criminal organization.
Federal authorities say 20 Young Mob members and associates have been indicted on federal charges involving murder, attempted murder, robbery, large-scale drug trafficking and firearms crimes. Paul Nelson pleaded guilty Aug. 14 to armed robbery, causing death with a firearm and drug conspiracy, while Edgar Smith and Cedric Jackson pleaded guilty Aug. 20 to RICO conspiracy. Braxton Beck earlier received 10 years in federal prison and Larry Wilson received 87 months for their roles in the Young Mob racketeering conspiracy.
Young Mob has operated in Memphis since 2007, according to the U.S. Department of Justice. RICO — the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act — allows prosecutors to connect robberies, shootings, drug trafficking and other offenses as part of a continuing criminal enterprise rather than treating each crime as an isolated case. Federal prosecutors say the Young Mob cases have “significantly dismantled” the organization, providing an early test of whether the strategy can do more than simply replace imprisoned gang members with new ones.
The Memphis Safe Task Force is part of the wider federal assault on Memphis gangs and has separately reported arrests of people affiliated with Young Mob, but MSTF is not listed as an investigating agency in this particular RICO prosecution. The Justice Department identifies the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Memphis Police Department and Multiagency Gang Unit as investigators. MSTF and the RICO prosecutions therefore represent related but distinct parts of the broader federal effort — one concentrating heavily on arrests and street-level enforcement and the other using federal racketeering law to attack the gang organization itself.